
This is the online version of the Louisiana Division's annual Black History Month exhibit, 1996 edition. It includes the full text of the inhouse exhibition along with five images in addition to the one seen above. To view the images just click on the highlighted words or phrases as they appear in the text below.
"Not all men are called to specialized or
professional jobs; even fewer
to the heights of genius in the arts and sciences; many are called to be laborers in
factories, fields, and
streets. But no work is insignificant." [Martin Luther King, Jr. Where Do We
Go
from
Here? (1968)]
The diversity in
employment of worth remarked
on by Dr. King is well
illustrated by the history of African-American occupations in the city of New Orleans.
This exhibit identifies
just a smattering of the jobs held by local black men and women over the past 150
years or so. Some of the
people depicted here are well known, others labored anonymously, but no less
importantly, in the long
process of making New Orleans a great city. The stories of many thousands more
wait to be discovered by
diligent researchers into the history of African Americans in the Crescent City.
Before the Civil War, when
slavery dominated the
economy of the American
South, New Orleans stood out
from the rest of the nation in the way that it employed its slaves. In most southern
states, and in most of
Louisiana, the vast majority of slaves worked as agricultural laborers on large and
small plantations. But the
Crescent City, the largest metropolis in the South and one of the most important
commercial centers in all of
America, found many diverse ways to put its slaves to work.
"While most city slaves were domestic
servants,
there were also
many who were highly skilled.... Many of the city slaves worked as draymen, porters,
carpenters, masons,
bricklayers, painters, plasterers, tinners, coopers, wheelwrights, cabinetmakers,
blacksmiths, shoemakers,
millers, bakers, and barbers. Most, however, were unskilled laborers often owned by
brickyards, iron
foundries, hospitals, distilleries, railroad companies, and Catholic convents." [John
W.
Blassingame, Black
New Orleans,1860-1880 (Chicago, 1973), 2]
Antebellum New Orleans
was also home to the
largest population of free black
men and women of any city
in the United States. Many of these individuals shared the French, Spanish, and
Catholic heritage of the
city at large. Among these gens de couleur libre there were even some whose
wealth and background put
them into a refined upper class. Many more free black men and women, meanwhile,
worked in occupations
devoted to satisfying the tastes of those at the apex of African-American society in the
Crescent City.
"In 1850 an overwhelming majority of the
free
Negro men in New
Orleans worked as carpenters, masons, cigar makers, shoemakers, clerks, mechanics,
coopers, barbers,
draymen, painters, blacksmiths, butchers, cabinetmakers, cooks, stewards, and
upholsters. ...the 1,792 free
Negro males listed in the 1850 census were engaged in fifty-four different occupations;
only 9.9 percent of
them were unskilled laborers. Some of them even held jobs as architects,
bookbinders, brokers, engineers,
doctors, jewelers, merchants, and musicians." [John W. Blassingame, Black
New
Orleans,1860-1880
(Chicago, 1973), 10]
The skills they had learned
in the years before
the Civil War permitted many in
the local black community to
prosper during the heady days of Reconstruction. Though short-lived, the political
power enjoyed by local
African Americans during the 1870s was real. Some black politicians were able to
reach high public office
either through appointment or by popular election. P.B.S. Pinchback, who served as
acting governor of the
state from 1872 to 1873, is but the best known of dozens of successful local black
politicians. Other black
New Orleanians made names for themselves as attorneys, newspaper publishers,
commission merchants,
and insurance executives.
In the late 1870s there
began a series of actions
by white conservatives to
reduce the political, social, and
economic power of local African Americans, the descendants of the old black Creole
class, as well as the
mass of recently emancipated slaves. Blacks were able to maintain their economic
power in such key areas
as dock workers, artisans, and various businesses serving the increasingly segregated
African-American
community. For the most part, though, New Orleans blacks worked in the lowest
positions within the local
economy.
The economic condition of
the African-American
community at the end
of the nineteenth century marked the status quo for more than fifty years. A small
black middle class
managed to survive largely by providing services to the larger population living around
it. Teachers,
ministers, hair dressers, and undertakers were among the more successful
occupations for African-American New
Orleanians during this period.
Beginning in the years
following World War II and
accelerating during the late
1960s, local blacks began to regain some of the political power they had enjoyed
during Reconstruction years.
Spurred once again by federal legislation mandating civil and voting rights, African
Americans progressed politically
in the Crescent City and in 1977 garnered the ultimate prize with the election of Dutch
Morial as mayor. Since that
time there has been a new expansion in economic opportunities for black citizens. In
the public sector, in the health
care industry, in education, and in tourism, African Americans are participating in the
local workforce in positions
never before held.
Despite this important
progress much remains to
be done. For every "success
story" like Alden McDonald, Larry Lundy, Norman Francis, and Marc Morial, there are
too many other African-American New Orleanians who are unemployed,
underemployed, or otherwise not enjoying the fruits of the overall
economic well being characteristic of America today. As Mayor Morial noted in 1994,
"Business enterprises owned
by women and by members of racial and ethnic minorities must move more into the
mainstream of the New Orleans
economy. Thus, this administration will implement programs that will foster an
economic environment in which these
business enterprises can prosper."
"We have the record of kings and
gentlemen ad
nauseam and in
stupid detail; but of the common run of human beings and particularly of the half or
wholly submerged
working group, the world has saved all too little authentic record and tried to forget or
ignore even the little
saved." [W.E.B. DuBois, (ca. 1903)]
DuBois spoke the above
words at a time when
historians depended on
collections built around the papers left by "Great Men." Of course that meant that only
the accomplishments
of white males were recognized as being of importance in the development of the
United States of America.
Fortunately, historians in more recent years have begun to explore sources beyond
the traditional
collections, more often than not concentrating on records that document the social
fabric of entire
communities. The investigation of a wider body of historical source material has made
it possible for many
important black men and women and their contributions to become known to all
Americans.
The New Orleans City
Archives is an outstanding
example of a
collection that documents the entire social fabric of the local community. This exhibit
on the African-American work
experience in the Crescent City draws on the variety of documentation in the Archives
and in
other Louisiana Division collections. It presents but a small fragment of the story of
local black endeavor.
The City Archives stands open to scholars and other researchers interested in further
investigation of the
subject
Many free black youths learned trades through
apprenticeships with established
artisans and craftsmen,
both black and white. Indenture agreements between the apprentices and their
mentors were witnessed by
the Mayor and recorded in books kept in his office. This 1821 indenture bound the
free black brothers
Francois and Joseph Charles to the white cabinet maker Caleb Stringer for a period of
five years.
As the commercial center of the antebellum
South, New Orleans depended on an
adequate system of
transportation to get its varied goods to market. The municipal government regulated
this activity by
licensing operators of carts, carriages, and other conveyances. This document is a
security bond designed
to insure that the licensee, a free black man by the name of Jacques Voltaire, abided
by the rules governing
such vehicles.
A typical newspaper
advertisement for an
upcoming slave sale. Such advertisements
were careful to
highlight any occupational talents possessed by the individual slaves--such special
skills were sure to bring
top dollar at the sale. This advertiser was also careful to list his slave Seraphine's
"vices," a form of antebellum truth in advertising.
New Orleans had an African-American
newspaper, L'Union, even before
Abraham
Lincoln issued his final
Emancipation Proclamation at the beginning of 1863. Paul Trevigne served as editor
of L'Union and later
edited its successor, The New Orleans Tribune. This sheet from the October
26,
1867
Tribune includes at
least three references to local black occupations during the early Reconstruction
period. The article in
column one refers to the employment of black police officers (well over a year prior to
the establishment of
the Metropolitan Police as a biracial force). A "thank you" in the second column refers
to C.S. Sauvinet, an
African-American employee of the Freedmen's Savings Bank. And, finally, column
seven includes an
advertisement for St. F. Casanave, a black broker and agent. Casanave later was an
agent for the
Louisiana State Lottery.
Basile Bares was a former slave and a talented
musician and composer in the
Crescent City. This item of
sheet music illustrates but one of his many compositions and arrangements.
In a city with such a strong Catholic heritage it
was only natural that many, if not most,
free black citizens
embraced the practice of that religion. Free black Catholics were responsible for the
establishment of at
least one religious order, the Sisters of the Holy Family. These pages from a printed
French language copy
of the sisterhood's charter describe the society's mission and identify its principals,
including foundress
Henriette Delile.
This page from the city comptroller's published
report for the first half of 1858 shows
that the city hired black
musician Jordan B. Noble to provide music for that year's Battle of New Orleans
anniversary celebration.
Noble had been the drummer in Andrew Jackson's 7th Infantry Regiment during the
famous battle of 1815.
African-American roustabouts on the city
docks.
Belfield's Pharmacy, 1830 St. Bernard Ave., in
1931, from The
Roneagle.
African-American concrete workers during the
construction of City Park Stadium, in
1936, a project sponsored by the
Works Progress Administration.
Woods Directory, published in 1914,
offered African Americans an opportunity
to
advertise their businesses and
services. Subtitled "Being a Colored Business, Professional and Trades Directory of
New Orleans, Louisiana," the
directory also lists churches, clubs, hospitals, parks, schools, theatres, and societies.
The ads displayed here illustrate
the diversity and accomplishment of the African-American business community in New
Orleans.
Members of the faculty of McDonogh 35 High
and Normal School, 1931, then located
at 655 S. Rampart. During the
1930-31 session, the introduction says, "nearly 800 students enrolled, to receive
instruction from twenty teachers."
McDonogh 35 was the only four-year high school for black students until Booker T.
Washington High School opened
in 1942.
Third from left on row two is Charles B.
Rousseve, who taught English, French, and
Psychology. From the 1931
edition of The Roneagle, the McDonogh 35
yearbook. His picture appears
again later in this exhibit.
Dr. Wesley N. Segre, a pediatrician, examines
a
child at the Mary Buck Health Center,
ca. 1952. The Louisiana State
Board of Medical Examiners licensed forty African-American physicians in Orleans
Parish in 1952.
The Preservation Hall Jazz Band, photographed
by Keith Medley in Lafayette Square,
ca. 1980.
"African Americans in New
Orleans: Making a
Living" was designed
and mounted by archivists Wayne Everard and Irene Wainwright with the assistance
of Ridgway's, Inc. and
of Robert Baxter and Charles DeLong of New Orleans Public Library's Duplications
section. The exhibit will
remain on view in this space through April 9. It is also available online at http://www.gnofn.org/~nopl/exhibits/black96.htm where it will remain
indefinitely.
Among the best sources for information about
slave occupations are the
advertisements for slave sales that
appeared in the daily newspapers. This scrapbook, kept by auctioneer Benjamin
Kendig, is filled with
clippings of such ads. The variety of jobs--cook, waiter, house servant, washer,
teamster, and seamstress--listed in
these 1857 notices illustrates well the diversity of the urban slave phenomenon. Of
special note is
the description of George, "a No. 1 meat and pastry cook, capable of taking charge of
the cooking
department of a first rate hotel, restaurant, boarding house or private family; can't be
surpassed as a cook in
this city."
Very few of the names recorded in this 1855
census of merchants are identified as
African Americans. Note
here, at #264, that George, a slave, appears to have been operating an "eating house
for Negroes" in
partnership with a Mr. Kirchoff [the St. Mary Street noted in the record is now Church
Street].
Local laws governing the licensing of peddlers
allowed masters to designate slaves to
do the actual selling.
This register from the Mayor's Office, ca. 1826, identifies a dozen or so slaves who
were authorized to
peddle for the men who held the actual licenses.
"As a result of the training he
received during
the antebellum period,
the New Orleans Negro was probably more highly skilled than black laborers in any
other city in the United
States." [John W. Blassingame, Black New Orleans, 1860-1880 (Chicago,
1973),
60]
Antebellum city directories identified at least
some of the free people of color residing
in New Orleans, but
listed few occupations for those individuals. Of the several free blacks shown on
these two pages from the
1855 directory, only Louis Petit, a carpenter, is classified by occupation. The federal
census records for
1850 and 1860, available on microfilm in the Louisiana Division, provide a more
complete view of the free
black population and its employment status.
After the Civil War city directories for at least
some years continued to include racial
designations for at least
some of the black citizens of New Orleans. These pages from the 1867 edition show
the occupations for
several "colored" persons, including photographer John Roberts. The federal census
records for 1870-1920
provide more thorough documentation of African-American New Orleanians and the
jobs they held.
Some slave owners hired their people out to the
city for employment on the public
works. This volume from
the Surveyor of the city's First Municipality in 1841 lists the names of individual slaves
and their masters and
records the number of days worked each month along with the amount of wages due
each master. The
separate entry at the bottom of the folio shows that some of the work assigned to
these black day laborers
took place in the city cemetery, then located on Bayou St. John. Other tasks allocated
to these workers
included cleaning the streets and markets, lighting the streets, maintaining bridges,
wharves, and levees,
and opening streets. Other pages in this and similar record books show that slaves
confined to the Police
Jail were sent out in chains to work alongside the wage-earners.
Many Southerners disapproved of the practice
by which slave owners "hired out" their
people to work as
wage earners for third parties. Hiring out weakened the control that the master had
over his slaves and
gave the bondsmen a degree of freedom deemed to be dangerous to the "Peculiar
Institution." The city of
New Orleans attempted to regulate the employment of "slaves as hirelings by the day"
with this ordinance,
passed in 1817.
The practice of hiring out slaves to work for
individuals other than the legal master
sometimes created
problems for all parties involved. In the Parish Court lawsuit brought by slave owner
Samuel McMaster
against steamboat captain Nicholas Beckwith, McMaster charged the captain with
taking the slave John
Scott away from Louisiana to Louisville. McMaster claimed that Beckwith had deprived
him of the use and
value of his slave, and sued for damages. Numerous third parties offered testimony
in this matter,
testimony that provides interesting detail on the movements and activities of Scott
during the late 1820s. In
this document another steamboat captain, Richard Groom, attests that while Scott
worked for him, "...he
was a good cook and acquitted himself to my entire satisfaction. ... He was as good a
servant as I would
want to have."
"... blacks did in fact possess a
majority of
New Orleans waterfront
jobs. They constituted half of the better-paid screwmen, longshoremen, and yardmen,
and they dominated
the lower-paid ranks of teamsters and loaders, car loaders and unloaders, railroad
terminal freight handlers,
coastwise longshoremen, coal wheelers, and coal shifters. These latter jobs occupied
the lower end of the
waterfront's occupational hierarchy, where wages and working conditions were worse
than in the better
paying longshore and screwmen's trades." [Eric Arnesen, Waterfront Workers in
New
Orleans: Race,
Class, and Politics, 1863-1923 (Chicago, 1994), 250]
"In spite of discrimination, blacks
were able to
garner a
disproportionate share of certain skilled jobs. While Negroes constituted only 25
percent of the total labor
force, they held from 30 to 65 percent of all jobs as steamboat men, draymen,
masons, bakers, carpenters,
cigar makers, plasterers, barbers, and gardeners in 1870." [John W. Blassingame,
Black New Orleans,
1860-1880 (Chicago, 1973), 61]
One of the most extraordinary African-American
New Orleanians of the nineteenth
century was Francois
Lacroix. A merchant tailor by trade, Lacroix acquired massive land holdings in the city
and accumulated a
considerable fortune. The civil court proceedings to settle his estate lasted for over a
quarter century
following his death in 1876 and generated an enormous amount of paper. The
Francois Lacroix succession
record includes many interesting documents that provide insights into both his own life
and the larger life of
the black community in New Orleans.
Francois Lacroix and his partner Etienne
Cordeviolle operated a profitable clothing
store on Chartres St. in
the Vieux Carre. The style of the billhead on this invoice for
goods sold in the year
1840 suggests that the
Lacroix establishment was indeed a fashionable store.
Francois Lacroix had so much property to rent
that he had a standard form of lease
prepared to make it
easier for his agent to handle the business.
This letter from J.D. Bingham, Quartermaster of
the United States, shows that
Francois Lacroix claimed
ownership of land used by the federal army to erect a smallpox hospital for the
Crescent City.
The immensity of Lacroix's land holdings is
illustrated by this advertisement for the
sale of one hundred lots
of ground belonging to his estate. Note also the 1895 date of the sale, testimony to
the complexity of the
Lacroix estate.
Julien Lacroix, Francois' brother, was a
successful grocer in the seventh ward until his
death in 1868. This
bill from the surviving business appears to document the variety of foodstuffs enjoyed
by Francois Lacroix in
the last days of his life.
Filed in the Lacroix succession record is this
document, the undertaker's bill for
Lacroix's funeral. It shows
that Lacroix went out in style, with ten carriages in his funeral procession and with a
fine coffin to shelter him
for eternity. The undertaker, Nelson Morand, was a prominent African-American
inhabitant of the city's
seventh ward.
"... the roustabout's job, often
filled by former
slaves in the decades
after the Civil War, was perhaps the least desirable of all transportation-related work.
Although wages were
sometimes high, roustabouts endured harsh treatment, poor food, and bad living
conditions; moreover, as
rural, illiterate workers with a reputation for fast living, they were rarely welcomed by
the city's established
black community." [Eric Arnesen, Waterfront Workers in New Orleans: Race,
Class,
and Politics, 1863-1923
(Chicago, 1994), 39]
Black and white laborers on one of the
riverfront
wharves in New Orleans, ca.
1890s.
African-American dockworkers formed their own
union, the Longshoremen's Protective
Union Benevolent
Association, in 1872. The LPUBA succeeded in holding its own in the struggle to
keep black longshoremen
competitive with their white counterparts on the New Orleans riverfront. This
document is a 1888
typewritten copy of an original agreement signed one year previously by the LPUBA
and the white union.
These conference rules were designed to maintain both groups as active participants
in loading and
unloading vessels docked in the port of New Orleans.
"During the 1880s and after the
turn of the
century, longshore
workers sustained a movement that ran counter to the dominant trend of black
subordination, exclusion, and
segregation in the age of Jim Crow." [Eric Arnesen, Waterfront Workers in New
Orleans: Race, Class, and
Politics, 1863-1923 (Chicago, 1994), ix]
African Americans worked on board steamboats
as well as on the docks. This ca.
1896 photograph shows
black dining room attendants on the "Bluff City."
"The occupational base which
blacks
established during
Reconstruction served them well in the twentieth century. ... The economic successes
of Negroes during
Reconstruction were the most important factors in their ability to avoid complete
strangulation by white
unions, corrupt city officials, and anti-Negro employers in New Orleans in the twentieth
century." [John W.
Blassingame, Black New Orleans, 1860-1880 (Chicago, 1973), 63]
Reconstruction opened up the political arena to
black office seekers for the first time in
our history. Many
elections held during the period were hotly contested and often were decided by
lawsuits. This document,
from the Eighth District Court suit of John Tobin vs Jules A. Massicot, indicates that
Tobin challenged the
latter's election as Criminal Sheriff for New Orleans. The court upheld Massicot's
victory and he served as
Sheriff from 1870-1872. He later served three terms as one of the state Senators
from the Crescent City.
African-American politicians occupied numerous
important offices during the
Reconstruction period. These
pages from the official journal of the Louisiana House of Representatives include the
names of several black
state legislators from the Crescent City during the 1872 session of the Legislature
including Charles W.
Ringgold, chairman of the Committee on Corporations, Edgar Davis, Victor E.
McCarthy, William B. Barrett,
and Raford Blunt, chairman of the Committee on Parochial Affairs.
A cabin boy, deckhand, and steward on
Mississippi River steamboats before and
during the Civil War,
P.B.S. Pinchback emerged from the struggle ready to set out on what proved to be a
successful political
career. He was elected to the Louisiana senate in 1871 and later served as acting
governor following the
impeachment of Henry Clay Warmoth in 1872. Pinchback was also owner and
manager of the Louisianian,
one of several African-American newspapers published in New Orleans during the
latter half of the
nineteenth century. He is pictured here in Jewell's Crescent City Illustrated
(1873),
an
early New Orleans
"city guide" publication.
Two young boys survey the wares of an
African-American fruit seller in this undated
photograph by New
Orleans photographer Charles L. Franck. Although the Louisiana Division's
Photograph Collection contains
a number of Franck's prints, The Historic New Orleans Collection owns the full Franck
collection.
This street vendor, photographed by Charles L.
Franck, was one of many African
Americans who made a
sometimes precarious living peddling vegetables, fruit, meats, fish, and other edibles
in the residential
districts of the city.
A pole peddler, photographed by George
Mugnier. The poles were probably used for
clotheslines.
"I stop to think sometimes, and I
wonder how
the poor colored people got
along. You couldn't work in the department stores, the men couldn't drive a bus, you
couldn't work for the telephone
company, you couldn't work for the Public Service, so if you didn't do menial labor, or
housework, or learn to be a
cigar maker, or you weren't lucky enough to get an education to teach, well, you were
in very bad luck because then
these people had nothing to do. You see, they didn't give the poor colored people
jobs." [Eugenia Lacarra, quoted in
Arthe A. Anthony, "'Lost Boundaries': Racial Passing Poverty in Segregated New
Orleans," Louisiana History
(Summer 1995), 291]
A New Orleans Police Department
commemorative album published in 1900 included
photographs of the six
African-American patrolmen then on the force--George St. Avide, Louis J. Therence,
William H. Robinson,
Henry Labeaud, George Doyle, and Benjamin J. Blair. After 1915, NOPD recruited
no more black
policemen until 1950.
An African-American laborer readies a bale of cotton for the press at the Dock Board's
Public Cotton
Warehouse. The photograph was taken by Charles L. Franck for the Board of
Commissioners of the Port of
New Orleans on February 21, 1917.
Bucksell's Pharmacy was located at 2333
Magnolia, corner Erato, in 1920. Around
the corner, in the same
building, was the dental parlor of Dr. Reginald E. Watkins. This photograph by
Charles L. Franck was
probably taken a few years earlier.
The 1918 New Orleans City Directory shows
that Edward N. Sloan operated a saloon
at 1532 Gasquet
Street (now Cleveland Avenue). In that same year, he was arrested for buying stolen
property and is shown
in a NOPD mug shot, which records that he was 58 years old, was born in the West
Indies, and had the
tattoo of an anchor on his left forearm. The New Orleans Police Department arrest
cards contain no other
criminal records for Mr. Sloan, and it is not known whether the accusation against him
was valid.
Hypolite Chevalier, a 35-year-old Louisiana
native, listed himself as a jockey when he
was arrested in 1911.
He does not appear to have had any other brushes with the law.
These pages from the 1914 Woods
Directory provide only a glimpse of the
variety
of
trades and professions
followed by African Americans near the turn of the century.
Colored New Orleans: High Points of Negro
Endeavor, 1922 and 1923 was
published
by the Colored Civic
League of New Orleans in order to publicize the achievements of African-American
New Orleanians. "The
Negro is part of the community," says the introduction to this volume, "but on account
of existing conditions
he is a community within a community, having a distinct life of his own apart from that
of the community life,
but it has with the community life no effective point of contact. Its standards, methods,
practices, purposes
and achievements are generally unseen by the rest of the community." Colored
New
Orleans sought to
make this unseen community more visible by providing a list of African Americans
who followed a wide
range of professions and trades, and by including advertisements and photographs of
black professionals
and businesses. Shown here are two photos of nursing students and public health
nurses and, on the
opposite page, a list of names of registered practical nurses.
African-American laborers worked on many
WPA sponsored civic improvement
projects in New Orleans
during the 1930s and 1940s. The men photographed here are part of the demolition
crew that tore down
the old Charity Hospital in 1936.
"Blacks were especially hard hit
[by the
Depression]. Black institutions were
financially shaky at the best of times, and the Depression wrought enormous damage
to the infrastructure of black
society. Banks folded; businesses went under; insurance companies saw their
receipts dry up; churches and Masonic
halls were mortgaged up to the hilt; universities had to go cap in hand to white
philanthropists. Some black
institutions--even the Louisiana Weekly--passed into white ownership." [Adam
Fairclough. Race & Democracy: The
Civil Rights Struggle in Louisiana, 1915-1972. (Athens, Georgia , 1995),
41-42]
The Works Progress Administration provided
educational programs and job
opportunities for African
Americans during the difficult years of the Great Depression. Pictured here are
workers employed in the
"Colored Book-Binding Project," New Orleans, January, 1937.
New Orleans physicians and surgeons, 1942.
At the time, African-American doctors
were allowed to
practice only at Flint-Goodridge Hospital and were barred from membership in the
Orleans Parish Medical
Society. The signature on this photograph in Delta Shadows shows that it was
taken
by A.P. Bedou, once the
private photographer to Booker T. Washington and official photographer for
Tuskeegee Institute. His
photographic studio was located at South Rampart and Common Streets in 1942.
"Even more vital to the NAACP's
development
was the network of doctors,
pharmacists, and businessmen associated with the black insurance industry. Growing
out of neighborhood-based
benevolent societies that furnished health care, sickness pensions, and funeral
benefits, the insurance companies
became the most important black-owned businesses in Louisiana. At a time when
there were only 1,600 Negro-owned
businesses in the entire state, when Louisiana had only two or three black lawyers,
and when the census identified only
656 blacks in New Orleans as professionals or semiprofessionals, the significance of
the insurance industry as a source
or race leadership can scarcely be overstated." [Adam Fairclough. Race &
Democracy: The Civil Rights Struggle in
Louisiana, 1915-1972 (Athens, Georgia , 1995), 18-19]
Concrete finishers at the Naval Reserve Air
Training Base (on the site of what is now
the University of New
Orleans), another WPA construction project, April, 1941.
Faculty members of Lafon Public School, 2601
7th Street, in a photograph reproduced
from Delta Shadows:
A Pageant of Negro Progress in New Orleans, 1942. Teaching was one of the
few
professional
occupations open to African-American women at the time.
The WPA also employed African Americans in
the construction of new wharves on the
New Orleans
riverfront.
Delta Shadows also featured the office
force of the Keystone Insurance
Company,
which operated at 2107
and 2228 Dryades Street in 1942. Among the officers of the company was Dr.
Andrew J. Young, Sr., the
father of former Atlanta mayor and U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Andrew J.
Young, Jr.
"In 1940, blacks in New Orleans
owned
businesses of innumerable types and
sizes. A publication for this year, entitled Journal of Negro Business listed thirty-eight
grocery establishments, five
general merchandise stores, twelve insurance companies, thirty cleaners-pressers, five
newspapers, thirty-one radio
repair shops, sixteen restaurants, eight taxicab companies, thirteen undertaking
companies, seven dentists, and
thirty-four physicians. There were also caterers, tailors, roofers, and plasterers."
[Barbara A. Worthy. Blacks in New
Orleans from the Great Depression to the Civil Rights Movement, 1930 to 1950
(New
Orleans, 1994), 11]
Prominent members of the African-American
professional community, pictured in
Delta
Shadows, 1942.
Dr. Leonard V. Bechet placed this
advertisement
in The Business and Professional
Men's Guide, published in 1948 by
the Southern Allied Civic Association His dental practice was located at 1402 St.
Bernard Avenue. Dr. Bechet was
also a trombonist and the leader of the Silver Bells band. His brother, Sidney Bechet,
was one of the Crescent City's,
and the world's, finest jazz musicians.
African-American soldiers training at an
unidentified Louisiana Army camp, ca. 1941.
Some 13,000-14,000
African Americans from the New Orleans area served in the armed forces during
World War II.
Nurses at the city-run Child Health Clinic, Edna Pilsbury Health Center, provide
instruction in baby care,
November, 1957.
The 1956-1957 Crescent City Sepia
Host,
a "buyers and tourist guide to New
Orleans," was designed for
African-American New Orleanians and visitors to a segregated city and advertised
restaurants, hotels, and
businesses catering to the African-American public. Shown here is a "who's who" of
"some of the most
prominent citizens in New Orleans," along with their various occupations.
Businessman James Holtry; Joe Bartholomew,
golf pro of the Pontchartrain Park golf
course; Mayor Chep
Morrison; and Herbert Jahncke, President of the Parkway and Parks Commission at
the dedication of the
Pontchartrain Park golf course, May 5, 1956.
Two WPA-sponsored music projects, the WPA
Brass Band and the Emergency Relief
Administration
Orchestra provided steady jobs for many African-American jazz musicians during the
late 1930s. Pictured
here at City Park is the WPA Brass Band, led by
Pinchback Touro. Touro also lead
the ERA Orchestra,
which employed some 90 black jazzmen.
The WPA also supported the efforts of artists,
writers, musicians, and other members
of the arts community
hard hit by unemployment. Shown here are two unidentified artists who participated in
WPA-sponsored
projects.
Billie Pierce (1907-1974), famed as a
boogie-woogie pianist and blues singer, at
Preservation Hall,
photographed by Grauman Marks.
Legendary New Orleans jazzmen: left to right,
Ernest Cangelotti (cornet), Louis Cottrell
(clarinet), Paul
Barbarin (drums), Placide Adams (bass), Lester Santiago (piano), and H.E. Minor
(banjo), also
photographed by Grauman Marks.
A young Aaron Neville at a Duncan Plaza
Brown
Bag Concert, ca. 1980,
photographed by Keith Medley.
Rodolphe Lucien Desdunes' Nos Hommes et
Notre Histoire (Our People and
Our
History) was published in
Montreal in 1911. The volume includes biographies of some fifty Creoles of color who
lived during the mid to
late 19th century--including doctors, lawyers, teachers, musicians, artists and writers.
This is a first edition
of Desdunes' work.
Desdunes worked as a clerk in the Custom
House, where he suffered an eye injury
which eventually led to
blindness. He also wrote for The Crusader and was among the organizers of the
Citizen's Committee,
which mounted the challenge to segregation in public transportation that eventually
became Plessy v.
Ferguson.
Les Ecrits de Langue Francaise en
Louisiane
aux XIX Siecle, edited by Edward
Laroque Tinker, includes
bio-bibliographies of twenty-seven free people of color, including some of the poets of
Les Cenelles, a
collection of poems by New Orleanian gens de colour libre, published in 1845.
"The men and women who make
up this
prestigious circle of chefs are all
primarily self-taught rather than formally trained. Almost without exception they began
their professional careers as
dishwashers. Along the way they received help, guidance, and assistance ... from
other professionals who, like them,
also lacked formal training. In this sense, they are proud heirs to the rich legacy of
Creole cuisine they have inherited
from Black professional cooks. It is certainly to their credit that they have perfected
the art of Creole cooking in
almost complete anonymity and frequently in a hostile environment." [Nathan Burton
and Rudy Lombard. Creole
Feast: 15 Master Chefs of New Orleans (New York, 1978), xvii]
African-American cooks and chefs, men and
women, contributed immensely to New
Orleans' famous Creole
cuisine, which Rudy Lombard called "the aristocrat of all cuisines" in Creole Feast: 15
Master Chefs of New
Orleans. Shown here are two of the "unsung" chefs featured in Creole Feast: Chef
Louis Bluestein of
Brennan's, the Roosevelt Hotel and the Pontchartrain Hotel, and Lena Richards,
caterer and cooking
instructor, whose 1940 New Orleans Cookbook is also shown here.
A 1983 menu from Chef Austin Leslie's Chez
Helene, 1540 N. Robertson Street.
Long a favorite with locals,
Chez Helene gained national fame when Frank's Place, the short-lived but
critically
acclaimed sit-com
inspired by Chef Leslie's restaurant, aired on CBS in 1988. The restaurant was
named for Leslie's aunt,
Helen Dejean Pollock, who established Chez Helene in 1964, having opened her first
restaurant on Perdido
Street in 1942. This and other menus in the exhibit are from the Louisiana Division
Menu Collection.
Chef Louis Evans began his career as a cook
at
Sclafani's in Metairie in 1959. Ten
years later he joined the
staff of the Pontchartrain Hotel, where he built the stellar reputation of the Caribbean
Room. Promoted to
executive chef in 1973, he spent 18 years at the Pontchartrain before moving to
Kabby's at the Hilton in
1987. In that same year, he became only the second Louisianian to be elected to
membership in the Order
of the Golden Toque, a 100-member national organization of chefs. He died in 1990
at the age of 49.
The Praline Connection opened at 542
Frenchmen Street in the Faubourg Marigny in
1991. Owners Curtis
Moore, Jr. and Cecil Kaigler, who met while both were employed by British Petroleum,
expanded to a
second location at 901 S. Peters St. in the Warehouse District in 1993.
Eddie Baquet, Sr. opened Eddie's on Law
Street
in 1966, but other members of his
family had been in the
restaurant business since 1940. The family tradition has continued into the next
generation. Eddie Baquet's
son Wayne and his wife Janet opened Zachary's (named for their young son) on Oak
Street in 1993.
Closed temporarily after a fire, the restaurant has recently reopened.
Leah Chase, co-owner and executive chef of
Dooky Chase, is one of New Orleans'
most celebrated chefs,
an author of several cookbooks, and a civic activist who has done much to advance
both the reputation of
Creole cuisine and the quality of life of her fellow citizens.
"In 1950 blacks made up about
a
third of the
New Orleans population but
only 0.08 percent of the workers employed by NOPSI..., 0.015 percent of the phone
company's workforce, and 0.054
percent of the workers in city government. There were no black firemen and only a
handful of black policemen. In the
private sector (with the obvious exception of black-owned businesses) clerks,
stenographers, bank tellers, sales
assistants, and transit drivers were all "white only" occupations. NOPSI did not hire its
first black bus drivers until
1961. Many unions still excluded blacks as a matter of policy....Craft unions of
plumbers, electrical workers, and
machinists still barred black apprentices. There were one or two bright spots. In the
Post Office the proportion of
black clerks rose to almost a quarter after the Senate held hearings on discrimination
in 1948. In education, the
proportion of black teachers in the state remained about the same, but they doubled in
number between 1940 and
1960, and pay improved dramatically." [Adam Fairclough. Race & Democracy:
The
Civil Rights Struggle in
Louisiana, 1915-1972 (Athens, Georgia , 1995), 149-150]
City employees of the Mosquito Control Board,
ca. 1940s.
A Department of Sanitation employee,
1955.
Park and Parkways Commission workers. It is
possible that they are replanting palm
trees removed from
Claiborne Avenue prior to the construction of Interstate-10.
Applicants completing information sheets for the
Civil Service Police Patrolman
examination. African
Americans began to enter the Police Department in increasing numbers in the late
1960s.
"In 1950 Carlton Pecot and
another black man
became New Orleans
policemen....Mayor Morrison and his subordinates placed the new black patrolmen
carefully....They assigned the new
men to the juvenile bureau...dressed them in plain clothes, and tucked them away in a
predominantly black district
where very few white voters dared to venture. This cautious manipulation worked
superbly. They were hardly
noticed." [Edward F. Haas. DeLesseps S. Morrison and the Image of Reform
(Baton
Rouge, 1974), 77-78]
New Orleans Police Department juvenile
officers
questioning a young boy, ca. 1950.
One of the officers is
probably Carlton H. Pecot, who, with a second officer (probably the other man pictured
here), became the
first African-American NOPD patrolman to join the force in some forty years.
New graduates of the New Orleans Police
Training School.
New Orleans Fire Department personnel
demonstrating new fire equipment.
"By 1950 New Orleans was the
only large city
in the South with no black
policemen. Faced with court action initiated by a rejected black applicant [to NOPD]
who had achieved one of the
highest test scores on record, Morrison agreed to the recruitment of two blacks, with
the private understanding that
they were to operate in Negro areas only. The men in question, moreover, were
dressed in plainclothes and assigned
to the juvenile bureau. As Morrison's biographer noted, 'The cautious manipulation
worked superbly. They were
hardly noticed.' In New Orleans, as in ultra-segregationist Shreveport and Monroe, the
recruitment of black policemen
did not signify any retreat from segregation. Few in number, they were accorded an
inferior status, segregated within
the organization, and utilized as a means of combating black crime." [Adam
Fairclough. Race & Democracy: The
Civil Rights Struggle in Louisiana, 1915-1972 (Athens, Georgia , 1995),
153]
A NORD supervisor coaching young baseball
players.
Inspectors for the Department of Safety and
Permits' Building Inspections Bureau.
Park and Parkways Commission tree surgeons,
May, 1973.
"... Landrieu believed that his
'single greatest
accomplishment' was the
'significant progress' made in opening up opportunities for blacks 'through the political
process.' There was much to
substantiate this claim. At the beginning of 1970, blacks occupied only 19.4 percent
(1,833 out of 8,219) of the
positions in the city's classified civil service; eight years later they claimed 43 percent
(4,304 out of 10,009). Landrieu
also kept his promise to name black department heads--director of property
management Andrew Sanchez and
twenty-nine-year-old welfare director Sidney Barthelemy were the first--and he went
even further by naming Robert
Tucker as
executive assistant and ultimately appointing Terrence Duvernay as chief
administrative officer. And if the new black
presence in government was unprecedented, Landrieu also did not hesitate to use his
political leverage to create
opportunities in the private sector as well." [Arnold R. Hirsch, "Simply a Matter of Black
and White: The
Transformation of Race and Politics in Twentieth-Century New Orleans," in Creole
New Orleans: Race and
Americanization (Baton Rouge, 1992), 296]
Morris F.X. Jeff, Sr. served as supervisor of
Negro programs during the New Orleans
Recreation
Department's early years. He is shown here at the Rosenwald Center in August, 1952
with Ed Durlacher, a
nationally known square dance caller. NORD began to desegregate its programs in
1963.
Mechanics at the Park and Parkways
Commission's lawnmower shop in Gentilly.
City workers erecting the Mardi Gras viewing
stands in front of Gallier Hall, ca.
1970s.
Dorothy Anderson, supervisor of the city-owned
Historical Pharmaceutical Museum
during the administration
of Mayor Dutch Morial.
Naomi White Warren Farve, Louisiana State
Representative for District 101.
A New Orleans Health Department
technician.
City employees receiving CPR training.
Erroll Williams, Assessor for the Third District,
with several of his constituents. Mr.
Williams also served as
Director of the Finance Department and Chief Administrative Officer under the
administration of Mayor
Dutch Morial.
Chief Warren Woodfork, the first
African-American superintendent of the New Orleans
Police Department,
with Mayor Ernest N. Morial.
Paul Valteau, Orleans Parish Civil Sheriff.
"City government provides the
black middle
class of New Orleans with
genuine employment opportunities. Specifically, during Morial's first four-year term,
the number of blacks in city
government increased by 11 percent....Blacks hold many of the leading positions in
city government...." [Monte
Piliawsky, The Impact of Black Mayors on the Black Community: The Case of New
Orleans' Ernest Morial (New
Orleans), 18-19]
Warren Bell, former news anchor,
WVUE-TV.
Judge Israel M. Augustine, Jr. served as the
first
counsel for the Southern Christian
Leadership Conference
and became the first African-American judge of Orleans Parish Criminal District Court.
He also served as
judge of the Louisiana Fourth Circuit Court of Appeal.
Lea Stevenson (seated, third from left), reporter
for WVUE News, ca. 1980.
Dr. Alma Young, Professor, College of Urban
and Public Affairs, University of New
Orleans. Dr. Young was
the first woman appointed to the Board of Commissioners of the Port of New Orleans.
During the
administration of Mayor Ernest N. Morial, she served as Special Assistant to the
Mayor. She also served as
Chair of the Downtown Development District.
Okla Jones served as City Attorney under
Mayor
Sidney Barthelemy and was later
elected judge of Orleans
Parish Civil District Court. In 1994, he was appointed Judge of U.S. District Court for
the Eastern District of
Louisiana by President Bill Clinton.
Charles Barthelemy Rousseve, educator and
historian, author of The Negro in
Louisiana, 1937. Another
photo of a much younger Mr. Rousseve, then a teacher at McDonogh 35 High School,
can be seen on the
second introductory panel of this exhibit.
Alden J. McDonald, Jr., Chief Executive Officer
of Liberty Bank and Trust Co., one of
the nation's largest
black-owned commercial banks.
Dr. Anthony James Hackett, physician, former
president of the Board of Directors of
Dillard University, and founder
and president of United Federal Savings and Loan. Dr. Hackett was one of the first
African-American doctors
admitted to the Orleans Parish Medical Society and the first African American
appointed to the Louisiana State Board
of Medical Examiners.
Dr. Clarence C. Haydel, Jr., physician.
Irma Muse Dixon, former Louisiana state
representative and currently a member of the
Public Service
Commission, with Mayor Dutch Morial.
Dr. Samuel DuBois Cook, President of Dillard
University.
Dr. Emmet W. Bashful, photographed in 1984,
when he was Chancellor of Southern
University at New
Orleans.
Rose Loving, former President of the Orleans
Parish School Board.
Dr. Everett J. Williams, former Superintendent
of
New Orleans Public Schools.
Mayor Morial with members of his office staff
and city department heads during a
birthday celebration.
Duplain W. Rhodes, Jr., chairman of the board
of Rhodes Enterprises, one of the
oldest black-owned
businesses in New Orleans. Consisting today of a number of corporations dealing in
insurance, funeral
services, transportation, and real estate, Rhodes Enterprises traces its origins to 1884,
when Duplain W.
Rhodes, Sr. moved to New Orleans and began using his wagon to transport African
Americans for burial.